Meinung | Kolumne – www.romblog.at https://www.romblog.at Fri, 10 Apr 2020 13:58:05 +0000 de-DE hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=4.8.14 https://www.romblog.at/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/cropped-Logo-romblog512-32x32.png Meinung | Kolumne – www.romblog.at https://www.romblog.at 32 32 Sinti und Roma. Eine deutsche Geschichte https://www.romblog.at/2020/01/14/sinti-und-roma-eine-deutsche-geschichte/ https://www.romblog.at/2020/01/14/sinti-und-roma-eine-deutsche-geschichte/#respond Tue, 14 Jan 2020 12:14:55 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=3245 Als „Zigeuner“ beschimpft, verfolgt, von den Nazis ermordet und ausgegrenzt bis heute: „ZDF-History“ blickt anhand bewegender Schicksale auf die Geschichte der Sinti und Roma in Deutschland.

 

Sinti und Roma. Eine deutsche Geschichte ==> hier anschauen

 

Vor 75 Jahren leisteten sie im sogenannten Zigeunerlager von Auschwitz Widerstand gegen ihre drohende Vernichtung. Sie konnten sie aufschieben, aber nicht verhindern. In der Nacht zum 3. August 1944 wurden Sinti und Roma in den Gaskammern ermordet.

Dotschy Reinhardt erzählt als junge Vertreterin der großen Musikerdynastie Reinhardt vom Schicksal ihrer Familie. Rita Vowe-Trollmann erinnert an ihren Vater, den Boxer „Rukeli“, dem die Nazis den Meistertitel einfach aberkannten – wegen „undeutschen“ Boxens. Romani Rose berichtet von seinem Vater Oskar, der vergeblich beim Münchner Kardinal Faulhaber um Hilfe für sein Volk bat. Der Musiker Janko Lauenberger erinnert an seine Verwandte Erna. „Ede und Unku“ heißt das Buch über sie, das an den Schulen der DDR Pflichtlektüre war. Der Vater von Sängerin Marianne Rosenberg kämpfte im Mai 1944 mit im Aufstand gegen die SS. Er überlebte und hielt seine Tochter an, ihre Herkunft besser zu verschweigen.

Auszüge aus Interviews

Janko Lauenberger: „Als Kind habe ich überhaupt nicht erzählt, dass ich Sinto bin. Weil ich wusste, was sich dann in den Köpfen der Leute abspielt. Wenn sie dich fragen: ‚Warum bist du so dunkel, warum hast du schwarze Haare?‘ Und du sagst, du bist Sinto, dann wissen sie sowieso nicht, was das ist. Sagst du, du bist Zigeuner, dann verfallen die in so einen Gedankenrausch und man sieht so richtig, dass sie ihr Märchenbuch aufklappen.

Die Dokumentation zeigt auch, wie Sinti und Roma nach dem Krieg für Entschädigung und Anerkennung kämpften, und dass Antiziganismus noch immer weitverbreitet ist.

Source: zdf.de

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„THE POWER OF NARRATIVES. WHY CRAFTING A COUNTER-NARRATIVE ON ROMA CAN SHAPE THE FUTURE OF EUROPE“ by Anna Mirga-Kruszelnicka https://www.romblog.at/2020/01/14/the-power-of-narratives-why-crafting-a-counter-narrative-on-roma-can-shape-the-future-of-europe-by-anna-mirga-kruszelnicka/ https://www.romblog.at/2020/01/14/the-power-of-narratives-why-crafting-a-counter-narrative-on-roma-can-shape-the-future-of-europe-by-anna-mirga-kruszelnicka/#respond Tue, 14 Jan 2020 12:02:48 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=3239 peech given at Maxim Gorki Theatre on September 16th 2017

I believe in the power of narratives: discourses and stories which are the foundation of our understanding of the world, provide an interpretation for our lives, shape our values and our worldviews. I believe that compelling narratives can change the societies in which we live: think of the role compelling narratives played in the African-American Civil Rights Movement or the struggle for gay marriages. But narratives can also change the world for worse. Rhetoric of fear, threat (terrorist or otherwise) and insecurity are shaping the Europe and the world we live in today – making our societies increasingly more intolerant and radical. Despite that data shows that we live in relatively peaceful times, populism, nationalism, xenophobia and far-right are spreading like fire.

As Roma, we are well aware of how narratives can affect lives of entire communities.  Narratives of who we are have been shaped by others over centuries – through scholarship, public discourse, policies, media or even artistic production. And we have been framed as “strangers”, “eternal nomads”, thieves and liars, barbarian and immoral, as a social threat to public order. The imagery of “Gypsies” created by others shaped antigypsyism – the specific form of racism and hatred against Roma. And it is antigypsyism that defined over 600 years of our presence in Europe – marked by centuries of persecution, pogroms, expulsions, forced labour and imprisonment, assimilationist policies and over 500 years of slavery. Today in many countries, we continue to be the most rejected group in Europe – more than the Black community, Muslims, LGBT or Jews.

In the aftermath of the Roma Holocaust, during which as much as 50% of entire European Roma population was exterminated, we witnessed a timid but certain awakening of Roma political and cultural movements. Through arts and politics, the Roma searched for justice and an emancipation – to be treated as conscious subjects, to regain a voice.  A major part of this process which begun in the 1970s and continues until today is the need to change the discourse on Roma among the majority; to take back control over the narratives of who we are. We know that unless we challenge antigypsyism – and the stigma imposed on “Gypsiness” – all other efforts aiming at improving the situation of Roma communities will remain modest or fruitless.

We need to shift the conversation about Roma to a different, new direction: from seeing the Roma as a problem – to seeing it as a potential and an added value. This process of shifting narratives should transcend all areas of life. It should mean a paradigmatic change in how Roma are seen and treated, how they are involved in policy-making. In order to do so, we should challenge existing stereotypes and most common misconceptions about Roma.
We are typically seen as a burden for societies among which we live. Seemingly, there is a “Roma problem” – our poverty, assumed unwillingness to integrate, supposed criminality. In public and political discourses as well as in the media, we are dehumanized, we are stigmatized. As a result, antigypsyism becomes a “justified” and “reasonable” attitude towards the Roma – after all we are so different and don’t want to integrate.

We are also portrayed as “strangers” and “others”; we are the people that don’t belong. But we have been here for over 600 years! Instead, we should promote a counter-narrative of belonging and historical presence. Roma history should be incorporated into national narratives of history; our history should be acknowledged as an integral component of the history of Europe.

This process of shifting narratives on Roma also needs to have policy-implications. The existing approach treats the Roma as a socio-economic problem. But we are not a socio-economic, marginalized and vulnerable group! We are an ethnic minority with a culture, a language, traditions and a history. That’s why I believe that policies which target Roma should include two necessary elements. On the one hand, policies which target Roma need to have a cultural component, providing tools and means to develop, protect and promote our cultural heritage. There should also be an element of recognition – symbolic, institutional, affirmative – of our cultural presence and contribution. On the other hand, there needs to be a paradigmatic shift in how Roma are involved in policy-making that concerns them directly. The paternalistic approach in which Roma are consulted and invited to participate instead of enjoying a degree of decision-making and meaningful involvement, puts the future of our communities in other people’s hands. Roma need to become protagonists of their history, be in leadership positions as the drivers of change.

Arts and culture are among the best tools to promote such a counter-narrative. Indeed, as Timea Junghuas stated: “in art, Roma are always an asset”. Roma arts and culture are both a space where emancipation takes place but also a powerful tool to communicate with the majority. The Roma art is a space of radical liberation and a field which has been developing very dynamically across Europe. With the establishment of European Roma Institute for Arts and Culture (ERIAC) – launched in Berlin in June 2017 – we finally have a place from which to support this development. With time, I trust we will succeed in showing Roma culture for what it really is – a collective, diverse and beautiful part of Europe’s cultural legacy, and a patrimony of national cultures and histories, which needs to be cherished and protected.

We need this new counter-narrative to take root for ourselves. To fight against stigma associated with who we are, to challenge phenomena of self-stigmatization, self-victimization and shame. To promote ethnic pride, build self-esteem and have the means to develop ourselves as a people – as a transnational, global diaspora – and as citizens of our countries.

But maybe more than us, it is the majority society that needs to embrace this counter-narrative!

Back in 1993, in the midst of the process of European reunification, Vaclav Havel said that the treatment of Roma is a litmus test for European democracies. Indeed, the way we treat Roma is a reflection of the condition of our democracies. It says less about Roma and more about who we are as a society; it is symptomatic and revealing – giving testimony of deeper problems affecting European democracies.

In this sense, the “Roma problem” is in reality a problem of the majority society. So, the poverty and marginalization the Roma face is not “inherent” to our culture but is a proof of increasingly unjust and unequal societies. The intensification of antigypsyism is yet another evidence of our societies growing more intolerant, radical and closed.

We, as Roma, are not the only ones who face injustice. All across the world, societies are being ripped apart by hatred, intolerance and violence. Muslims, refugees, Black community, LGBT, trans, women, immigrants, poor people….all those considered “different” are victims of proliferating rhetoric of hate.

This is why shifting the narrative on Roma is in reality more about crafting a new master-frame for European societies towards diversity and “otherness”. Because the fact is that our societies are becoming increasingly more diverse, hybrid, multicultural, dynamically-changing. Social cohesion and sustainability, and indeed peaceful development, depend on the capacity of European societies to see diversity and plurality as an advantage and an added value – and not a threat.  As Europe is seemingly at a crossroads, it is now more important than ever that in the face of our collective challenges – of populism, radicalism, nationalism, xenophobia, deepening inequality –  we join forces in solidarity. We need to bring ourselves together, and build alliances across social movements and struggles, build alliances around values and peoples. The future of Europe will depend on it!

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Making an activist https://www.romblog.at/2019/09/25/making-an-activist/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/09/25/making-an-activist/#respond Wed, 25 Sep 2019 12:33:16 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=3145
Davie Donaldson

This is the speech Davie Donaldson made at the 2019 Amnesty Scotland Festival Reception

‘Why did I become an activist?’ It’s a good question, and one that I was asked before speaking to an Amnesty International audience at the Edinburgh International Book Festival this week.

I began advocating for my community when I was 15, when my pals were playing football – I was in council meetings, when my cousins were talking to girls… I was talking to eviction officers and when my friends were partying – I was making speeches.

My activist journey started early, so maybe I can answer the question by describing what it’s like to grow up as a Scottish Traveller:

Your family have to live on the edge of society, in places built on disused middens, where the ‚air is choking with the smell of rats‘, open septic units and crumbling toilet blocks, your family are forced to feel forgotten.

At school you’re told that your education is a waste of resources, because you’ll never amount to anything anyway. What you’re taught misses out your communities’ culture and your contributions to history are omitted. You’re belittled in the playground with slurs like ‘pikey’, ‘tink’, ‘mink’ and ‘gypo’. Nobody wants to play with you.

After school you go shopping with your mum and are followed around by security, seen as a thief based only on your ethnicity. You can’t enter some shops, bars and restaurants – because they have signs banning Gypsies and Travellers.

In the news politicians describe your community as a ‘plague’, a burden that needs ‘getting rid of’ and call for tougher enforcement against your culture if given the power. Whilst on social media people comment things like ‘Hitler had the right idea’ and describe your community as leeches on society.

When you go home and you’re outside painting, a man pulls up and tries to run you over as he screams out abuse. His hatred for your people, causing him to hate you – despite the fact you’re only 8.

This won’t be the last time you’re threatened, go forward a few years and you’re on a train. A different man, a different city, he threatens to shoot you; describing children from your community as scum who don’t deserve to live. Nobody comes to help you, the train carriage stays quiet, the police describe him as having ‘outdated values and not to pay attention’.

If you don’t try and hide your ethnicity you’ll struggle to gain employment or to rent a property. Oh, and the police will stop and search you more as well.

Statistics show that your community experience the worst inequalities on every measure the state has. Experiencing higher rates of depression, higher levels of suicide, higher infant mortality and you’re expected to live at least 10 years less than the national average.

And you know of course, that statistics are only half the story, they don’t show the mother who in winter was evicted from her camp the day before Christmas – forced to stay in a motorway layby with her young children – because a local believed her children playing was ‘an eyesore’ for dog-walkers.

The statistics don’t mention the ambulance that refused to help that old man who had collapsed.

Nor when your family were being attacked by rocks during the night – and when you called the police they laughed and hung up the phone.

When the time comes for you to pass on, your family will struggle to book a venue for your wake; but don’t worry because there’ll surely be a headline about your death – something along the lines of ‘Big Fat Gypsy Funeral takes place’. And, remember and count yourself lucky, because your great grandparents weren’t even allowed to be buried in the kirkyard…

So, let me ask, why did you or why would you become an activist?

I didn’t choose to be born a Traveller; but being born one meant growing up in a society that forced me to fight for my very existence.

Alice Walker once said, ‘activism is the rent we pay for living on this planet’ – I’ve found this rent can be expensive and involves many personal sacrifices, but to me it pays toward something bigger, a social change that I will be proud of in old age.

There is an old Gypsy saying – ‘The winter will ask what we did in the summer’ – I’ll be one of the people who can say:

 ‘I did something, I didn’t wait for someone to do it for me, nor did I stand by and watch as they suffered’

Will you be able to say the same?

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„ZDF-HISTORY: SINTI UND ROMA. EINE DEUTSCHE GESCHICHTE“ | Offensiv gegen dumpfe Ressentiments https://www.romblog.at/2019/08/03/zdf-history-sinti-und-roma-eine-deutsche-geschichte-offensiv-gegen-dumpfe-ressentiments/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/08/03/zdf-history-sinti-und-roma-eine-deutsche-geschichte-offensiv-gegen-dumpfe-ressentiments/#respond Sat, 03 Aug 2019 10:15:14 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=2961 Sie gilt als eines der großen Talente des deutschen Jazz: Dotschy Reinhardt, Nachfahrin des legendären Django Reinhardt, dem bekanntesten Vertreter dieser großen Musikerdynastie.

 

Mit einer empfehlenswerten Geschichtsdokumentation interveniert das ZDF gegen das Aufleben uralter Rassismen. Leider erst im Spätprogramm.

 

In den Sechzigern boten große Kaufhäuser in den Wohnabteilungen eine tief dekolletierte „Zigeunerin“ als gerahmten Öldruck an. Die Sängerin Alexandra besang 1967 einen Gitarre spielenden „Zigeunerjungen“, wobei das unerklärte und tieftraurig stimmende Verschwinden des Wagentrosses in der letzten Strophe – „wo bist du, wer kann es mir sagen?“ – vielleicht als verkappte Erinnerung gemeint war an das, was Sinti und Roma im Nationalsozialismus erlitten hatten. Ob Kitscherotik, Operette oder Schlager, das exotische „Zigeunerwesen“ übte offenbar einen gewissen Reiz aus auf die Deutschen. Und doch:

1970 eroberte die gerade fünfzehnjährige Marianne Rosenberg die Hitparaden mit „Mr. Paul McCartney“. Ihr Vater Otto Rosenberg, ein Auschwitz-Überlebender und zeitweilig im Vorstandsmitglied im Zentralrat Deutscher Sinti und Roma engagiert, riet ihr dringend, ihre Sinti-Herkunft öffentlich nicht zu erwähnen.

Annette von der Heyde, Autorin der Geschichtsdokumentation „Sinti und Roma. Eine deutsche Geschichte“, hat einen Fernsehausschnitt entdeckt, in dem Rosa von Praunheim die junge Sängerin auf ihren vermeintlich jüdischen Nachnamen anspricht und wenig sensibel fragt, ob ihre Familie während der Nazi-Zeit „rassisch diskriminiert“ wurde. Marianne Rosenberg, sichtlich überrumpelt, verneint. Heute würde die Antwort sicherlich anders ausfallen.

 

Beleidigende Assoziationsketten

 

Nicht Marianne Rosenberg, sondern deren Schwester Petra Rosenberg, Vorsitzende des Landesverbandes Deutscher Sinti und Roma Berlin-Brandenburg, ist eine der Interviewpartnerinnen in von der Heydes Filmbeitrag. Er beginnt mit einem bekannten Klischee, der „Zigeunermusik“. Von der Heyde pariert es aber gleich mit dem ersten Schnitt. Die gezeigte Sängerin ist Dotschy Reinhardt, die sich nicht auf die vermeintlich typische wild-romantische „Zigeunermusik“ reduzieren lassen möchte, sondern traditionelle Sinti-Musik mit Gospel-, Bossa-Nova- und Blues-Einflüssen in Richtung modernen Jazz weiterentwickelt hat.

Dotschy Reinhardt ist auch Autorin. Sie hat die Geschichte ihrer Familie aufgeschrieben und ein Buch über „Zigeunermythen“ in der Popkultur. In die Unterhaltungsliteratur eingegangen ist Erna Lauenburger, genannt Unku. Grete Weiskopf machte sie zur Hauptfigur des unter dem Pseudonym Alex Wedding veröffentlichten, an Tatsachen angelehnten Jugendbuches „Ede und Unku“. Eines der Werke, die von den Nationalsozialisten öffentlich verbrannt wurden. Erna Lauenburger wurde 1944 in Auschwitz ermordet.

Gemeinsam mit Juliane von Wedemeyer schrieb Janko Lauenberger das Buch „Ede und Unku – die wahre Geschichte. Das Schicksal einer Sinti-Familie von der Weimarer Republik bis heute“. Janko Lauenberger ist lange nach der NS-Ära geboren worden. Die beleidigenden Vorurteile gegen Sinti und Roma hat er dennoch kennengelernt. Mit dem Begriff Sinto habe sein Umfeld nichts anfangen können, erzählt er vor der Kamera. Wohl aber mit dem Wort „Zigeuner“. „Und dann verfallen die in so einen Gedankenrausch, und man sieht so richtig, dass sie ihr Märchenbuch aufklappen: Zigeuner ‒ die klauen. Und die können zaubern.“

 

Zur Armut gezwungen

 

Annette von der Heyde geht zurück in der Geschichte, beschreibt die Ankunft der Sinti vor 600 Jahren. Die Roma folgten Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Von Anfang an wurden die Zuwanderer diskriminiert, durften viele Berufe nicht ausüben, waren gezwungen, sich in den Nischen des Wirtschaftssystems ein Auskommen zu suchen. Sie betätigten sich als Reisende, besuchten Märkte, übernahmen die Versorgung der ländlichen, vom üblichen Warenverkehr abgeschnittenen Flecken. Woraus wiederum eine Klischeevorstellung, die des „fahrenden Volkes“, entstand. Der Historiker Dr. Frank Reuter korrigiert: Sinti und Roma waren keine Nomaden, sondern aus beruflichen Gründen unterwegs, verfügten ansonsten aber über feste Wohnsitze.

Ein anderes Gewerbe übten die Großeltern Romani Roses aus: sie betrieben ein Wanderkino und versorgten eine dankbare Diaspora mit kinematographischer Unterhaltung.

Trotz Anpassung und wirtschaftlicher und künstlerischer Teilhabe, obwohl viele Sinti und Roma im Ersten Weltkrieg für das Deutsche Reich an die Front gezogen waren, steigerte sich die ständige Diskriminierung unter der NS-Herrschaft zur schieren Barbarei. Das Schicksal des Mittelgewichtsboxers Johann Trollmann veranschaulicht den Rassenwahn: Beim Meisterschaftskampf 1933 hatte der NS-Boxverband das Ergebnis vorherbestimmt. Ein „Zigeuner“ durfte keinesfalls deutscher Meister werden. Das Publikum protestierte gegen die Fehleinscheidung und setzte die Kür des wahren Siegers durch. Ein paar Tage später wurde Trollmann der Titel wieder entzogen. Wegen „undeutschen“ Boxens. Trollmann trat noch einmal in den Ring und ließ sich bewusst auf „deutsche“ Art verprügeln. Er wurde 1944 im KZ Neuengamme Opfer einer Gewalttat.

 

Neue Nahrung für Klischees

 

Aus publizistischen Sendungen wie dieser beziehen die Sender des öffentlich-rechtlichen Systems ihre Legitimation. Vor allem aus solchen Beiträgen, die aktuell intervenieren. Denn nicht nur sind Vorurteile gegen Sinti und Roma, die wie alle Ressentiments auf Unwissen und Desinformation basieren, weiterhin in der deutschen Gesellschaft fest verankert. Sie bekamen obendrein Nahrung durch neuerliche Zuwanderung von Sinti und Roma, denen in ihren Herkunftsländern häufig jede Lebensperspektive verbaut ist, deren Kinder nicht zur Schule dürfen, die kein Land besitzen dürfen, die keine Anstellung und keine Wohnung erhalten. Der daraus resultierende Lebensstil ist eine Folge der Zwangssituation und nicht etwa angeboren, wie es die auch von manchen deutschen Politikern vorgebrachten rassistischen Stereotypen wissen wollen. Insofern wäre wünschenswert, wenn das ZDF den Programmplatz einer solchen Sendung mit dem eines belanglosen Klatschsammelsuriums wie „Mythos Monaco“ tauschen würde. Die Freunde der Hofberichterstattung von europäischen Adelshäusern wissen diese Angebote dann schon zu finden. Und wenn nicht, geht der Menschheit nichts verloren. Informative Dokumentationen hingegen sind nötig. Und sollten dem Publikum nach bestem Vermögen nähergebracht werden.

 

„ZDF-History: Sinti und Roma – Eine deutsche Geschichte“

 

von Harald Keller

 

Source:www.fr.de

 

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Essay by Miguel Angel Vargas | Performing Gitanidad (Romaniness) On Stage https://www.romblog.at/2019/06/06/essay-by-miguel-angel-vargas-performing-gitanidad-romaniness-on-stage/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/06/06/essay-by-miguel-angel-vargas-performing-gitanidad-romaniness-on-stage/#respond Thu, 06 Jun 2019 10:34:00 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=2847

Romani actors and musicians playing Gitano (Romani) characters, as well as Gitano characters portrayed by others outside of the culture, have been present in Spanish theatre since their arrival in the Iberian Peninsula in the fifteenth century. This long tradition can be seen in the multiple forms of Gitano representation throughout history.

Theatre, as the “newspaper of the poor,” and dance, as an expressive form often prone to exoticization, became vehicles of performance for the Spanish Gitano identity, which was ultimately constructed as a celebration of Spanish identity. However, in many ways, an authentic image of the Romani culture remains hidden behind contemporary cultural veils; narratives of conflict, resistance, and negotiation all still need to be acknowledged in the Spanish Gitano theatrical practice.

As a disclaimer, any written record of Gitanos on stage depicts a past time and only registers part of what was lived and experienced. Be it either the existing text Auto das Ciganas by Gil Vicente created in 1521, or a video recording of more recent shows created and seen at the 2018 Flamenco Biennial of Seville, the performances remain memories-in-action that try to reflect on what happened at that particular time, when the event depicted took place.

In order to understand the distinct Gitano performance experience, it’s helpful to look at its history. Using four frameworks, I will attempt to explain the different performance periods. These are: a) the collective representation of Gitanos in religious festivals and rites; b) Gitano characters and stories in theatre as part of a popular demand for Gypsyness; c) Gitano theatre performed by Gitanos, related to the experience of the individual and transgressed expression of the flamenco art form; and d) Gitano theatre as Romani political affirmation. These frameworks show how the Gitano identity in performance art reflects and reproduces the imagery that society demands at the time.

performers dancing across a projection
Persecución, co-directed by Miguel Ángel Vargas, Belén Maya, and José María Roca. Photo by José María Roca.

From the Eighteenth-Century Masquerade of the Gitano Nation to the Evangelical Cult

 

In 1747, the Spanish Gitanos were not yet recognized as citizens with rights. That same year saw a new king rise to the Spanish crown, and the Gitanos of Seville decided to celebrate his coronation with a masquerade. Part of a chronicle of that momentous event explained the masquerade as:

A true story recounting of a curious romance, in which a knight of the city of Jerez de la Frontera breaks the news to another knight of Seville of a masquerade gone wrong, at which the Gitano Nation celebrates the exaltation to the throne of the catholic monarch Fernando the Sixth (God keep him) by gifting him a theatrical interpretation of the conquering of Mexico, and the imprisonment of its Emperor Montezuma, including a dance of young Gitanas…

Gitanos using a mythical narration of the conquest of Mexico to show they were in favor of the new king is pure theatrical ojana! (deception). These same Gitanos, only two years later, would be imprisoned along with nine thousand people as part of a process known as the General Imprisonment of Gitanos of 1749, the objective of which was the genocide of the Romani population of Spain.

After this measure and others like it failed, some of these Gitanos founded the Brotherhood of the Gitanos of Seville in 1753, a religious civil organization that has since participated in the symbolic Holy Week of Seville—a festival and public event consisting of Catholic processions with a very strong counter-reformist theatrical component. This shift from a masquerade to a religious procession shows that Gitanos knew how they could claim their citizenship—through a public demonstration of faith—and that they had the logistical capacity to do so.

In many ways, an authentic image of the Romani culture remains hidden behind contemporary cultural veils.

Gitanos’ participation in religious ceremonies throughout history, whether as dancers or as singers, has been a constant—one that contrasts the persecutory reality they were faced with. It is their deep religious faith that moves them to look for any type of theatrical experience and embraces connection as the cathartic element of community and community rituals and parties.

Whether within the Catholic faith, with plays such as The Word of God to a Gitano(1972) and Come and Follow Me (1982) both by Juan Peña El Lebrijano, or even in the evangelical faith with The Gitanos Sing to God (2010) by Tito Losada, Gitano spirituality has found a way to reconnect the community through theatre.

performers dancing against a projection
Persecución, co-directed by Miguel Ángel Vargas, Belén Maya, and José María Roca. Photo by José María Roca.

The Theatrical Gitano Expression of Gitanismo of the Nineteenth Century

 

Although the affinity for Gitanismo—a form of European cultural oppression against Roma people, which lead to an inaccurate Romani stereotype—was born in the second half of the eighteenth century, it was throughout the nineteenth century that it found its place in theatre.

The Gitanismo went from being a disruptive anti-enlightenment and anti-European trend for the wealthy classes of Spain and Europe (where there was specific performance, song, and dance à la Gitano—the Gypsy way) to becoming an almost-obsessive presence in the main theatres of the country through their roles in dance and theatre performances. This was also the time when Gitano characters found places in major historical operas, above all in Carmen by Bizet, based on the 1845 novella by Prosper Mérimée Merimee. This marked the beginning of the path of European obsession with sexualizing Romani women.

There were two popular subgenres whose dramatic structures served as the backbone for what was then known as teatro Gitanesco: the theatrical tonadilla—a short, satirical musical comedy popular in eighteenth-century Spain—and the sainetes—a one-act tidbit, farce, or dramatic vignette with music. There are dozens of works during this period with Gitano characters—with titles and texts in Caló, the Spanish Gitano ethnolect—that feature and enforce crude caricatures of Gitanos, strongly contrasting the real situation of Romani people in Spain. The social imagery of Gitanos in “theatre of the poor” shows unworried Gitanos only interested in love affairs, robbery, and parties. The best-known example is El Gitano Canuto, o día de toros en Sevilla, written in 1816 by Juan Ignacio González del Castillo.

However, all of this theatrical exposure over a century and a half had consequences for Gitano artists, who felt compelled—or socially condemned—to look and perform like these images, something that is still present nowadays for Romani people. However, in more private settings, and thanks to Gitano artists like Lita Claver, who worked in alternative genres like cabaret, the theatrical Gitanismo found one of its counter-narratives by reversing all the happy and naive aesthetics to more dangerous and controversial ones.

 

The Gitano Individual in the Twentieth Century

 

The appearance of the flamenco genre in the 1860s, which partially stemmed from teatro Gitanesco, opened the doors to a type of subjective theatrical expression that fought against the stifling corset of mediocre fiction in which Gitanos were inaccurately depicted. This kind of performance took risks with lyrical and individual expression, breaking the fourth wall with a raw and exposed aesthetic. It coexisted with other forms that continued to use the image of the Gitano as “other,” but flamenco helped Gitano artists excel in foreign environments with their own personality.

The reclaiming of the Gitano identity came at the end of the Franco dictatorship, when flamenco became a dignified art form.

During a big part of nineteenth century, many Gitana artists performed anonymously, something depicted in many of the posters from the time period, where they were announced as simply “famous Gitana dancers.” By the end of that century and during a big part of the twentieth century, as flamenco became a highly demanded product—which lead to the professionalization of many artists—many contemporary Gitana artists were leading companies and touring shows as singers, dancers, or entrepreneurs.

Some examples include Pastora Pavón Niña de los Peines, Imperio Argentina, and Carmen Amaya. On top of creating their own work, these artists were featured in classic pieces by non-Gitano writers, like Manuel de Falla and Federico García Lorca—an inclusion, yes, but not the ultimate signifier that would make the Gitano artists accepted as contemporary scenic and musical creators.

Although the situation of Romani people in Spain was still harsh, the creativity and professionalism of the women allowed them to excel in a predominantly male-led world. Carmen Amaya became an international symbol for Romani artists.

a group of performers dancing onstage with an audience watching
Persecución, co-directed by Miguel Ángel Vargas, Belén Maya, and José María Roca. Photo by José María Roca.

Romani Consciousness On Stage in the Twenty-First Century

 

The idea of Spanish Gitano theatre as political disruption comes from José Heredia Maya’s play Camelamosnaquerar. The reclaiming of the Gitano identity came at the end of the Franco dictatorship, when flamenco became a dignified art form after some years of decadency. This was when theatre groups such as the Teatro Estudio Lebrijano and La Cuadra de Sevilla, under the influence of Grotowski’s “poor theatre” philosophy, started to break censorship through the use of flamenco, and when aesthetics around rituals and agriculture became almost stylistic constants.

Teatro Gitano, recognized as theatre with political significance, created a process and kind of work that Gitano theatremakers still follow. Watching Camelamos naquerar,Romani audiences experienced catharsis, witnessing for the first time the true representation of their history and struggle. This led to the creation of many Romani advocacy organizations.

The work of Belen Maya in Romnia, Celia Montoya in Tras-pasos.Light and Memory to the Forgotten Ones, Paco Suárez in Ithaca, Manuel de Paula in Chachipén, Sonia Carmona in De profunda dignitatis, and even my own work in Gilǎ falls within this style. Each one of us is making a proud affirmation of resistance inherent to being Gitano, to being Roma.

These works have another common element: they are the result of collective processes aimed at pointing out both the hurtful and unresolved problems in society, mainly the inherent racism in Spain and Europe, and promoting the rich diversity of Romani identities and stories on stage and the debate around their importance.

Though there are many more examples of how Gitano performance has been used and seen throughout history, these frameworks act as a way to start recognizing Gitanos’ theatrical history and promote the re-imagining of the Gitano identity.

 

THOUGHTS FROM THE CURATOR

 

Mihaela Dragan
Mihaela Dragan
From cultural appropriation to (mis)representations, I and four other writers map the presence of Roma theatre in Europe. We endeavor to do this in order to counter our silenced history. We cannot continue to be erased and left out of the history of theatre. It’s time to reclaim space and culture for Roma theatre. In these essays, we document the history of Roma theatre in Europe, as well as contemporary Roma theatre productions, as we understand that the future of the theatre is Roma, too.

Roma Theatre in Europe

 

Source:howlround.com

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“We’re Not Coming Out!”: why the overlooked story of Romani Resistance Day still resonates in 2019 | by Sydnee Wagner https://www.romblog.at/2019/05/20/were-not-coming-out-why-the-overlooked-story-of-romani-resistance-day-still-resonates-in-2019-by-sydnee-wagner/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/05/20/were-not-coming-out-why-the-overlooked-story-of-romani-resistance-day-still-resonates-in-2019-by-sydnee-wagner/#respond Mon, 20 May 2019 11:10:33 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=2748
A photo of a Roma Pride rally is transposed over the Roma flag and a Romani Resistance Day graphic. Photo: PA/Prospect composite

 

 

On May 16th, 1944, the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp saw a spark. That spark set a whole continent aflame.

That day, SS Guards surrounded the Zigeunerlager, or “Gypsy Camp,” at Auschwitz II–Birkenau with machine guns, ready to liquidate the camp and murder nearly 7,000 people.

The Roma and Sinti prisoners, however, despite being engulfed by the daily reality of death in the camp, chose life. When the SS commando unit called for Roma and Sinti to leave the residential blocks, they were met with prisoners who refused to come out, barricading the doors and fashioning work tools, handcuffs, knives, and rocks into weapons.

Romani Holocaust survivor Hugo Hollenreiner recalled his father shouting, “We’re not coming out! You come in here! We’re waiting here! If you want something, you have to come inside!” The SS unit called an end to the stand-off and retreated, and the “Gypsy Camp” at Birkenau maintained their survival until August 2nd.

After many of the Roma and Sinti prisoners fit for labour were moved to Auschwitz or other concentration camps, the nearly 3,000 remaining—comprised of mostly the sick, elderly, and children—were slaughtered in the gas chambers. The Roma and Sinti victims of the Holocaust have been estimated from 220,000-500,000 (with some scholars estimating upwards of 1.5 million). In some countries, like the Czech Republic, 90 per cent of the Romani population perished under the Nazi regime.

This radical act of resistance by the Roma and Sinti prisoners of Auschwitz-Birkenau became memorialized as Romani Resistance Day. This event, along with many others that have become the pulse of Romani cultural and self-preservation, stands starkly against a continued narrative that Romani people are agentless victims, objects to act violently against, a focus of pity.

As an early modern race studies scholar, I am constantly working to read against the archive for fragments of subjectivity, agency, and resistance, careful not to conflate these individual concepts. I follow scholar Alexander Weheliye’s call in his book Habeas Viscus to “[bracket] questions of agency and resistance” when it comes to people of colour, “since they obfuscate—and not in a productive way—the textures of enfleshment, that is, the modes of being which outlive the dusk of the law and the dawn of political violence”; in other words, they cannot give us the full picture when it comes to oppressed people.

Despite this desire to bracket agency and resistance from the notion of subjectivity, the nature of the early modern archive often refuses this gesture. As far as I know, the early modern English archives do not have any documents written by a Romani writer: there are court cases with interviews, a recording of Romani language as “Egyptian” in proto-ethnographic texts, but no unmediated Romani voices.

State archives and private collections, thus, only have white voices weaving tales about Gypsies. Some of these tales are romantic and outlandish, some show obvious disdain and fear, some are clearly strategic political narratives to bolster a project of the citizen. While there are quite literally thousands upon thousands of 16thand 17th century English materials on Gypsies, they tell the reader more about the white English writer’s subjectivity and identity than they do about Romani history.

Yet despite the structures and content of the archive, glimpses of Romani resistance to state oppression can be found. Historian David Cressy has noted that early modern Romani people produced counterfeit pardons and seals to dupe government officials, thwarting the threat of death. In his article “Trouble with Gypsies,” Cressy claims, “wandering Gypsies found a friend, or at least an accomplice, in Richard Massey, a Cheshire schoolmaster, who used his literacy to forge licenses and passports that purportedly authorized their travel.”

“Massey’s fake licenses showed up among Gypsies as far south as the Thames Valley,” he writes, adding: “There was evidently a black market in documents and seals, that some Gypsies exploited to fool gullible officials.” When we consider the legal conditions that made these black-market documents necessary—and the punishment if caught travelling through England—these fake licenses can be seen as textual talismans of survival and freedom.

These otherwise banal events, therefore, show a glimmer of agency and resistance in a vast archive that recapitulates the detrimental idea that “Gypsies” are monstrous swarms bent on destroying England—or, as Thomas Dekker put it in 1608 in his Lantern and Candlelight, “caterpillars of the commonwealth.”

These events, of course, get recorded as “criminal activity”—a sentiment that is often reiterated in scholarship about Romani people. But, in the numerous countries in Europe that had early modern anti-Gypsy legislation like England’s Egyptians Act 1530 and Egyptians Act 1554, the very notion of being Romani while living in those countries was inherently criminal, potentially punishable by death. In many of these countries, these state-sanctioned murder laws were not appealed until the late 19th century. In some places, laws existed even later: in Nazi Germany, as we have seen, Roma and Sinti people were legally subjected to torture and death.

Even today, anti-Romani structural and legal racism is not just a relic of the past. Romani people all over Europe are fighting to gain or maintain their civil rights in the wake of state-sanctioned violence and ethno-nationalist regimes that use Romani people as scapegoats for economic decline and immigration issues.

These fights take different forms—in countries like France and the Czech Republic, for instance, Romani people are fighting for the right to desegregated public education. Conversations around immigration control in the UK, Sweden, Denmark, and France (among many other countries, including the US and Canada) have gestured towards the “Gypsy problem”—a narrative which Roma communities must fight against. Throughout Europe, Roma are fighting for the law to protect them and seeking justice for the countless murders that go un-investigated.

Even Holocaust memorials have become sites of political resistance, with concentration camps like Lety the focus of renewed anti-Romani white nationalism. To continue to live and produce intellectual, political, artistic, and cultural work in these conditions is a radical act of resistance.

Yet despite my celebration of Romani Resistance Day, and of the multiple modes in which Romani people express resistance against the paradigms that wish to exploit and destroy them, as a Roma woman, I yearn for a world in which this resistance was no longer a necessary part of our survival. I fight—we all fight—so that our people can one day thrive, not just survive, in a world which does not criminalize our existence.

I fight to live in a world in which our cultural contributions, our intellectual property, and our lives can be recognized as valuable and necessary, for a world in which our subjectivity is not predicated on reactions to political and spectacular violence. I fight because I love my people.

This piece was originally published on Sydnee Wagner’s blog, Racing Backwards, as “Subjectivity at the Edge of Resistance: Romani Resistance Day”. Read more here.

 

Source: www.prospectmagazine.co.uk

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Romani Resistance Day: Samudaripen | Education to Build Roma and Non-Roma Resistance https://www.romblog.at/2019/05/17/romani-resistance-day-samudaripen-education-to-build-roma-and-non-roma-resistance/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/05/17/romani-resistance-day-samudaripen-education-to-build-roma-and-non-roma-resistance/#respond Fri, 17 May 2019 12:54:27 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=2743

„If the strength of justice is distributed to the mass of Roma and non-Roma, we can foster a collective #resistance within societies that embody justice, anti-discrimination, anti-violence against Roma, and ultimately the protection and respect for humanity!“

 

 

National textbooks and curricula are utilized in building a narrative and definition of society, nation, and the creation of a common identity, as well as connecting these ideologies with social/cultural collective values[1]. The teaching of the Roma Holocaust or Samudaripen, as it is known among Roma,  is important for reclaiming and restoring the groups shared memory for Romani identity cohesion, cultural preservation, and to ensure the community’s constructive and resilience responses to past and current trauma, violence, and/or discrimination.

On May 16, 1944 in the Blle section of the Auschwitz Birkenau extermination camp called, “Gypsy Camp” more than 6000 Romani prisoners expressed their resistance and protection of humanity. This historical event and collective memory for Roma embodies the resistance of the Romani community.  On May 15, the Roma prisoners were warned that the Nazis where planning their execution. The following day, the Roma prisoners ceased cooperating with the SS. Romani children, men, and women defended themselves from their extermination with warehouse equipment and as a result, on this day no Roma died in the gas chambers. On August 2, 1944 the Nazis gassed the remaining 3000 Romani prisoners in the Blle camp. This historical event and collective memory of the trauma and resilient response embodies the resistance of the Romani community.

The collective remembrance of the events that transpired on May 16, 1944 in addition to other shared history among Roma is important for building values of social justice and collective action against further community suffering. The teaching of human suffering needs to be done in a way where the individual understands the cause of the trauma through the development and realization of a sense of moral responsibility towards human suffering. In other words, the teaching of human suffering should cause students and the collective society to define their relationship with the suffering of others in a way which facilitates their positionality and connects others suffering with their own. Thus, broadening the societies definition of us and recognizing others suffering as well as a place of responsibility for those inflicting the suffering.

The past three decades have encompassed strengthened efforts to recover the memory of historical trauma against Romani communities. The goal is to empower Roma adults and youth in solidification of their identity across national borders by building shared community experiences of injustices via informal and formal education. Such events have the purpose of rectifying decades of silence and recovering the ability to have agency in historical discourses. Furthermore, their intention is to establish the historical discourse warranting the Roma youth memory through a positive and resilient perspective, as well as connecting past events with current prejudices, social exclusion, and stereotypes[2]. In this process, Roma youth establish their agency and initiate collective action in fighting for contemporary Roma rights.

The resistant responses after the Holocaust resulted in a national, European, and international heightened understanding of humanity and morality, as well as the need to protect this humanity and morality within our societies. Recognition, commemoration, and redress efforts, as well as their symbolic constructions and framing restored and solidified the memory of the Holocaust[3]. Through building a memory of WWII and the Holocaust within the frameworks of humanity and morality the western world constructed and embraced a collective value of justice[4]. However, during the process of historical documentation, memory restoration, recognition, and redress Roma trauma, suffering, and humanity were not included to be a result of the crimes against humanity during WWII. The missing information and education pathways to intergenerational memory and resilient responses within the Roma community and shared among non-Roma, hindered Roma which are perceived in European and international values of humanity, human rights, and discrimination.

After World War II, Roma did not have a voice or social, legal, or political environment to claim themselves as victims of Nazi “crimes against humanity”, let alone obtain any redress or even create their own public facing narrative. It wasn’t until March 17th, 1982 that the German Federal Chancellor recognized the national socialist crimes against the Sinti and Roma as genocide based on race[5]. Transforming the individual trauma Roma communities experienced during the Samudaripen, into a sustained memory that translates into resiliency to current discrimination, requires the ability to translate the initial historic trauma into cultural actions such as art, speeches, plays, movies, rituals, and other commensurations. The first Romani Congress unified the Roma identity through common cultural markers, as well as through the shared history of social injustice during the Samudaripen.  Although the actions and recognition were limited in standardization and reach across the Romani community and the wider society[6]. It wasn’t until the past two decades where the Romani community and societies have gained national, European, or international recognition and unified the methods of commemoration, such as Romani Resistance Day or Romani Holocaust Remembrance Day. The delay in using these methods of protecting or restoring the memory of the Samudaripen is mainly due to the level of governmental denial of Roma trauma, political and economic environments, and the social positioning of the Roma community.

To restore the lost generations’ memory, and to be able to use this memory for resilient responses such as building a shared value of humanity which comprises the Roma community, the masses need to be reached through formal education such as national curriculum and textbooks. The past few decades of courses, conferences, speeches, and other actions of informal education and memorization reach few Roma and their communities[7]. It is only those Roma communities (and their contacts) whom carry the process of restoring and framing the memory of the Samudaripen that adequately capture the memory and opportunity for responses which foster resistance and resilience to current discrimination.

Adequate and purposeful representation within national curricula and textbooks about the Samudaripen provides an opportunity to contemplate and establish values of social justice, anti-discrimination, respect, equality, and the responsibility of citizens to protect and reproduce these values throughout their community. For Roma, the recognition and process of recovering the collective memory of shared historical injustices encourages Roma youth to be proud of their identity and captures their power to be agents of change[8]. For the non-Roma student, the education can instil these values as well, although what is important is these values are through the education of the Samudaripen, connecting the values of social justice and human rights with contemporary discrimination. Therefore, building a citizenship which protects the human rights of all groups and especially challenging the persistent, as well as structural and institutional discrimination of their fellow Romani humans.

What is important in textbook and classroom representation of Roma is to present the history and memory in a way which connects the non-Roma’s own humanity to the humanity of Roma. Thus, the representation cannot be in the form of simple statistics or stating that Roma were victims of the Holocaust in passing.  Personalization within the process of historical education needs to be present in order to allow the identification and cause of traumatic events which instil a sense of moral and social collective responsibility and solidarity with the Roma community. The connection of an individual’s own humanity with that of the Romani experiences of crimes against humanity ensures that Roma and other groups who have faced historical or current discrimination and violence are not left to suffer alone.

The Romani community resistance and memorialization of the collective trauma stemmed from the community and individual resilience towards Samudaripen and contemporary discrimination. The recent efforts to restore the collective memory and fight current forms of anti-Roma expressions are a display of the community resistance. If this strength and values of justice are distributed to the mass of Roma and Non-Roma, we can foster a collective resistance within societies that embody justice, anti-discrimination, anti-violence against Roma, and ultimately the protection and respect for humanity

This article was authored by REF Research Officer, Marko Pecak ([email protected])

 

Source: romaeducationfund.org

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Romani Resistance Day Is About More Than Memory | By Margareta Matache https://www.romblog.at/2019/05/17/romani-resistance-day-is-about-more-than-memory-by-margareta-matache/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/05/17/romani-resistance-day-is-about-more-than-memory-by-margareta-matache/#respond Fri, 17 May 2019 12:49:10 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=2740 The Roma and Sinti Holocaust Memorial, Berlin (Shutterstock)

 

 

May 16 marks a famed Roma uprising against Nazi death camp guards. Against a backdrop of rising right-wing hatred, we need to draw on that defiance and humanity.

 

 

Seventy-five years ago, on May 16, a spring day in Poland, 6,000 Romani people — elders, men and women, girls and boys — who were imprisoned in Auschwitz-Birkenau, barricaded themselves in the “Gypsy Camp.” They prepared to fight back and stand up against the Nazis’ extermination plan for that evening.

Locked up between barbed wire, wooden barracks, gas chambers, and cremation ovens, they could see, smell, feel, and touch death everywhere around them: the death of their loved one, the death of another Roma, the death of a Jew, the death of a gay man, the death of a Polethe death of a human being.

And yet, in the face of catastrophe, the Romani people in the Zigeunerlager stood up, spoke up, rose up. Hugo Höllenreiner, then 11 years old, recalls hearing his father protest against the Nazi guards: “We’re not coming out! You come in here! If you want something, you have to come inside!”

We have come such a long way since then. We have reached a point when in some regions, Romani political thought, Romani institutions, and Romani scholarship are no longer only about Roma, but with and by Roma. The European Roma Institute for Arts and Culture, Roma Studies Programs at Central European University, Harvard, and other places are authoritative examples in that sense.

Yet Romani communities across the world are still under threat — even more so today, when the enduring slur of Romani criminality is exploited, both online and offline, as a weapon for anti-Romani violence. It is fortified by fake information, fake DNA police evidence, racist intellectuals, neo-Nazi groups, and vigilante groups.

Meanwhile many Europeans have remained silent in the face of so much inhumanity. The world neglected the killing of the five years old Robbi Csorba and his father, ten years ago in Hungary. Greeks did not react when Yannoula, a 13-year-old Romani girl was shot dead in Greece in 2018. Italians stayed silent in front of the killing of the Halilovic sisters, Francesca, Angelica, and Elisabeth, ages four, eight, and 20, who were burned alive in 2017 — and this was not an exception, as the number of racially motivated attacks in Italy tripled from 2017 to 2018.

Europeans may not even know or care about the killing of the 23-year-old David Popp last year in Ukraine or the cruel anti-Romani mobs in Italy and France in the past few months. No matter whether Roma live in Eastern Europe or Western Europe, the U.S., Brazil, Argentina, or Canada, we are all doomed to being blamed collectively simply for being Roma. And the racecraft of Roma inferiority allows gadje to morally justify their indifference and inaction in the face of harm and violence.

We are often told that we are a nation of survivors, but we often forget about our ancestors, who stood up and resisted in the face of misery, very much like the 6,000 Roma did on May 16, 1944, against the Nazis. And too often, we forget to honor them. Too often, the lack of spaces, memorials, history books, and museums prevents us from remembering.

Truth-telling and the collection of historical data are important for establishing a memory of the past and generating an enduring account of anti-Roma violence. And so, today, we pay tribute to our resistance and tell the truth about the persecution of our Roma communities during the Holocaust.

The non-Roma, gadjo world can and must learn from the fascinating history of the Romani people, who from one generation to the next have managed to remain compassionate, not hostile; forgiving, not vengeful; and unfortunately, even obedient to the oppressor, yet still aware of the injustices they have experienced and will continue to experience.

In memorializing resistance, the participation of allies is also worth remembering. So, today, we pay tribute to our allies too.

This year, the U.S. Congress and Senate are showing Roma a sign of justice and respect by introducing the first-ever bipartisan resolution to recognize Romani heritage and history.

When we started to think about the possibility of advocating for such a resolution, our fellow Romani, Nathan Mick, an experienced American politician, encouraged and advised us on how to proceed. But we also worked close with our non-Romani allies, including the Roma Working Group in Washington DC. But here’s what made this process more symbolically powerful and most meaningful to me: one of the greatest supporters and strategist working hand in hand with us on this initiative was Valentin Mihalache, a fellow Romanian American.

Therefore, to create historical consciousness of Roma and non-Roma about the atrocity of the Holocaust against Romani people and their resistance, what we need is allyships and a vibrant and genuine recognition and community voices that replicate the memorialization that other communities of survivors have established.

 

This op-ed is based on Margareta Matache’s speech at the “Neglected Voices: The Global Roma Diaspora” conference at Harvard in 2019.

 

Source: fpif.org

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Wie Sinti*zze und Rom*nja in Deutschland gegen Rassismus kämpfen https://www.romblog.at/2019/04/27/wie-sintizze-und-romnja-in-deutschland-gegen-rassismus-kaempfen/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/04/27/wie-sintizze-und-romnja-in-deutschland-gegen-rassismus-kaempfen/#respond Sat, 27 Apr 2019 17:55:49 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=2696 Sinti*zze und Rom*nja sind in unserer Gesellschaft nicht nur von Rassismus und Verfolgung betroffen, sondern auch weitgehend unsichtbar. Der jährliche Rom*nja Power Month soll das ändern.

 

 

„Wir haben sogar einmal eine Wohnung nicht bekommen, weil wir Rom*nja sind. Dabei sind wir doch ganz normale Menschen“, erzählt Estera. Die 18-jährige Abiturientin aus Berlin begegnet in ihrem Alltag immer wieder verletzenden Vorurteilen. Sobald ihr Umfeld erfährt, dass sie Romni ist, wird sie mit rassistischen Bildern und Fragen konfrontiert.

Wie Estera geht es vielen Rom*nja: In Europa leben geschätzt zwischen zehn und zwölf Millionen Rom*nja, in Deutschland sind es circa 70.000 Menschen. Viele verschweigen ihre Zugehörigkeit zu den Bevölkerungsgruppen, weil sie sich vor Diskriminierung fürchten.

Source: ze.tt

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„Free pass for Racists“ by Andreea Dalina Pozderie https://www.romblog.at/2019/03/05/free-pass-for-racists-by-andreea-dalina-pozderie/ https://www.romblog.at/2019/03/05/free-pass-for-racists-by-andreea-dalina-pozderie/#respond Tue, 05 Mar 2019 21:50:26 +0000 https://www.romblog.at/?p=2555  

 

Here comes the Carnival and with it a display of our society ingrained racism, ignorance and refusal to better itself.

 

The Carnival is an annual event in catholic countries, happening the week before the Lent, involving processions with dance and the use of masquerade.Sounds quite fun, isn’tit?

 

It could be fun, but until the choice of costume is either a stereotypical image of someone’s identity or a full music band dressed in Nazi uniforms dancing and singing on stage being broadcast on a national television in an EU country, the carnival is nothing more but sick racist ‘fest’.

 

The latter ‘’performance“ happened 2 days ago in Croatia. Viewer discretion is advised, as nausea and vomiting sensations can occur(See Video)

Dressing up as Nazis is offensive and sickening, and this must be banned and punished by law.

 

You can also spot in the video 2 ladies dressed as Zwarte Piet, which is a racist tradition of Dutch colonial era. Great analyse on Zwarte Piet here .

Similarly, the 19th century minstrel shows, where white performers in the USA darkened their skin, Blackface contributes to spread racial stereotypes and ridicule of black people. In 2017, in Germany, after requests were made to remove the the Blackface ‘characters’ from the parade, initially, instead of removing them, the organisers called on police services to protect the Blackface ‘characters’ from possible attacks. More on it here.

 

‘Indian’ for Carnaval? The racist stereotype of the numerous Native Americans and First Nation people groups comes from an all-white movie industry. Making profit and stripping away the symbolism of garments continues the exploitation of the indigenous population. Great article in German here

 

The boheme nomad G*psy? With 1000 years of discrimination, exclusion and oppression, this romanticised stereotype of Roma people adds and perpetuates antigypsyism.

 

The context of the Carnival should be one of celebration, but more often it’s a free pass to stigmatise and reinforce racist stereotypes. The implication of dressing up in such offensive costumes goes beyond the Carnival, they influence the lives of those affected and negatively impact our society as a whole. Instead of deliberate or ignorant ‘accidental’ choices, let’s grow and work on more mindful and emphatic choices.  How we respond and how we hold ourselves accountable is what creates change and makes the world a better and fun place – for all of us.

 

Article by Andreea-Dalina Pozderie

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